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Crime
and punishment in America - Rough justice
America locks up too many people, some for acts that should not
even be criminal.
The Economist Jul 22nd
2010
In
2000 four Americans were charged with importing lobster tails in
plastic bags rather than cardboard boxes, in violation of a
Honduran regulation that Honduras no longer enforces. They had
fallen foul of the Lacey Act, which bars Americans from breaking
foreign rules when hunting or fishing. The original intent was to
prevent Americans from, say, poaching elephants in Kenya. But it
has been interpreted to mean that they must abide by every
footling wildlife regulation on Earth. The lobstermen had no idea
they were breaking the law. Yet three of them got eight years
apiece. Two are still in jail.
America
is different from the rest of the world in lots of ways, many of
them good. One of the bad ones is its willingness to lock up its
citizens (see our briefing).
One American adult in 100 festers behind bars (with the rate
rising to one in nine for young black men). Its imprisoned
population, at 2.3m, exceeds that of 15 of its states. No other
rich country is nearly as punitive as the Land of the Free. The
rate of incarceration is a fifth of America's level in Britain, a
ninth in Germany and a twelfth in Japan.
Tougher
than thou
Some
parts of America have long taken a tough, frontier attitude to
justice. That tendency sharpened around four decades ago as rising
crime became an emotive political issue and voters took to backing
politicians who promised to stamp on it. This created a ratchet
effect: lawmakers who wish to sound tough must propose laws
tougher than the ones that the last chap who wanted to sound tough
proposed. When the crime rate falls, tough sentences are hailed as
the cause, even when demography or other factors may matter more;
when the rate rises tough sentences are demanded to solve the
problem. As a result, America's incarceration rate has quadrupled
since 1970. . .
Many
states have mandatory minimum sentences, which remove judges'
discretion to show mercy, even when the circumstances of a case
cry out for it. "Three strikes" laws, which were at
first used to put away persistently violent criminals for life,
have in several states been applied to lesser offenders. The war
on drugs has led to harsh sentences not just for dealing illegal
drugs, but also for selling prescription drugs illegally. Peddling
a handful can lead to a 15-year sentence.
Muddle
plays a large role. America imprisons people for technical
violations of immigration laws, environmental standards and arcane
business rules. So many federal rules carry criminal penalties
that experts struggle to count them. Many are incomprehensible.
Few are ever repealed, though the Supreme Court recently pared
back a law against depriving the public of "the intangible
right of honest services", which prosecutors loved because
they could use it against almost anyone. Still, they have plenty
of other weapons. By counting each e-mail sent by a white-collar
wrongdoer as a separate case of wire fraud, prosecutors can
threaten him with a gargantuan sentence unless he confesses, or
informs on his boss. The potential for injustice is obvious. *
As
a result American prisons are now packed not only with thugs and
rapists but also with petty thieves, small-time drug dealers and
criminals who, though scary when they were young and strong, are
now too grey and arthritic to pose a threat. Some 200,000 inmates
are over 50—roughly as many as there were prisoners of all ages
in 1970. Prison is an excellent way to keep dangerous criminals
off the streets, but the more people you lock up, the less
dangerous each extra prisoner is likely to be. And since prison is
expensive—$50,000 per inmate per year in California—the cost
of imprisoning criminals often far exceeds the benefits, in terms
of crimes averted.
Less
punishment, less crime
.
. . Some parts of America are bucking the national trend. New York
cut its incarceration rate by 15% between 1997 and 2007, while
reducing violent crime by 40%. This is welcome, but deeper reforms
are required.
America
needs fewer and clearer laws, so that citizens do not need a law
degree to stay out of jail. Acts that can be regulated should not
be criminalised. Prosecutors' powers should be clipped: most
white-collar suspects are not Al Capone, and should not be treated
as if they were. Mandatory minimum sentencing laws should be
repealed, or replaced with guidelines. The most dangerous
criminals must be locked up, but states could try harder to
reintegrate the softer cases into society, by encouraging them to
study or work and by ending the pointlessly vindictive gesture of
not letting them vote.
It
seems odd that a country that rejoices in limiting the power of
the state should give so many draconian powers to its government,
yet for the past 40 years American lawmakers have generally
regarded selling to voters the idea of locking up fewer people as
political suicide. An era of budgetary constraint, however, is as
good a time as any to try. Sooner or later American voters will
realise that their incarceration policies are unjust and
inefficient; politicians who point that out to them now may, in
the end, get some credit.
*
For
the members of the AAPS who see their colleagues receive
gargantuan fines and prison terms for every line of billing for
what prosecutors feel are inappropriate ICD9 codes, this is very
important to understand others that are being criminalize.
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